Cán bộ Trung Quốc Trổ Chiêu Né Đòn Chống Tham Nhũng
Hãng tin AFP dẫn lại thông tin đăng trên tờ báo đảng Nhân dân Nhật báo hôm nay 01/05/2013, cho biết nhằm né tránh chiến dịch chống tham nhũng, hiện nay, nhiều cán bộ Trung Quốc tỏ ra kín đáo hơn. Họ về nông thôn tắm hơi, các loại rượu ngon hay thuốc lá đắt tiền cũng được giấu trong những vỏ bọc đơn giản.
Tờ Nhân dân Nhật báo, cơ quan ngôn luận của đảng Cộng sản viết « Nhiều thông tin liên tục về các nhà tắm hơi ở các trang trại » là những bằng chứng cho thấy các cán bộ hiện nay muốn kín đáo hơn để né tránh chiến dịch chống tham nhũng và lối sống tha hóa, xa hoa trong tầng lớp quan chức, được Chủ tịch Tập Cận Bình phát động từ khi lên nắm quyền lãnh đạo Trung Quốc.
Tờ báo cũng dẫn ra nhiều cách che đậy cuộc sống xa xỉ của một số cán bộ hiện nay như họ dùng chai nước khoáng để đựng rượu đắt tiền hay lấy lại vỏ bao thuốc lá rẻ tiền để che giấu thuốc lá đắt tiền…
Ở Trung Quốc từ nhiều năm nay, nạn tham nhũng đã trở nên phổ biến trong hàng ngũ cán bộ đảng viên, khiến người dân bất bình. Ông Tập Cận Bình đã cảnh báo, tham nhũng là nguy cơ dẫn đến sụp đổ chế độ cộng sản. Theo một nghiên cứu gần đây của Pew Research Center, một nửa người dân Trung Quốc cho rằng quan chức tham nhũng là « vấn đề lớn » của đất nước hiện nay.
Bài báo về chống tham nhũng đăng trên trang nhất của Nhân dân Nhật báo còn cho biết chiến dịch chống tham nhũng đã khiến cho nhiều cán bộ khồng còn dám thường xuyên đến các nhà hàng sang ăn nhậu hay tổ chức tiệc tùng, hội hè.
Trung Quốc cũng có luật buộc các cán bộ, quan chức phải kê khai tài sản. Các chiến dịch chống tham nhũng cũng đã từng được phát động từ vài thập kỷ qua nhưng đều không có hiệu quả. Trở ngại chính là do Trung Quốc không có hệ thống tư pháp và báo chí độc lập, đảng cộng sản chiếm vị trí độc tôn không ai có quyền kiểm soát.
Growing Concerns in China about Inequality, Corruption
As China prepares for its once-in-a-decade change of leadership, the Chinese people believe their country faces serious and growing challenges. In particular, the side effects of rapid economic growth, including the gap between rich and poor, rising prices, pollution, and the loss of traditional culture are major concerns, and there are also increasing worries about political corruption. While the Chinese have consistently rated their national and personal economic situations positively over the last few years, they are now grappling with the concerns of a modern, increasingly wealthy society.
The Chinese public also increasingly expresses reservations about relations with the United States. Over the last two years, ratings for the U.S. and President Obama have declined significantly, and the percentage of Chinese who characterize their country’s relationship with the U.S. as one of cooperation has plummeted from 68% to 39%. Still, many Chinese embrace aspects of America’s soft power, including U.S. science and technology and American ideas about democracy.
Inflation remains the top concern of the Chinese public – six-in-ten consider rising prices a very big problem. Meanwhile, half say corrupt officials are a major problem, up from 39% four years ago.
Worries about consumer protection have also increased significantly. After a number of high-profile food safety scandals in recent years, concerns about the safety of food have more than tripled since 2008.
And while China’s economy has grown at a much faster rate than most countries since the onset of the global economic downturn, concerns about economic inequality have also increased. About half now say the gap between rich and poor is a very big problem, and roughly eight-in-ten agree with the view that in China the “rich just get richer while the poor get poorer.”
Moreover, the rapid changes that have transformed their society in recent years have not been welcomed by all Chinese. Most still say they like the pace of modern life, but fewer hold this view today than four years ago. Nearly six-in-ten say their traditional way of life is getting lost and even more think their way of life should be protected against foreign influence.
These are among the key findings from a survey of China conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 3,177 respondents between March 18 and April 15. The sample represents approximately 64% of the adult Chinese population.1 This poll in China is part of the broader 21-nation spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey.
While the global financial crisis has taken a serious toll in many nations over the last few years, most Chinese report continued economic progress – indeed, 70% say they are better off financially than they were five years ago. Among the 21 nations polled, Brazil is the only country where the public reports a comparable level of economic advancement. Additionally, a remarkable 92% of Chinese say their standard of living is better than their parents’ at a similar age. (For more on international economic mobility and other economic issues, see “Pervasive Gloom About the World Economy,” released July 12, 2012).
Given this economic mobility and the overall success of economic reforms since the late 1970s, it is not too surprising that free markets are popular. Roughly three-in-four Chinese agree that most people are better off in a free market economy.
However, there is a general consensus in China that the economic gains of recent years have not benefited everyone equally: 81% agree with the statement the “rich just get richer while the poor get poorer,” and 45% completely agree. Roughly half (48%) say the gap between rich and poor is a very serious problem, up from 41% four years ago (fully 87% consider it at least amoderately big problem).
And some Chinese doubt whether simply working hard is enough to guarantee success in today’s China. While 45% agree with the statement “most people can succeed if they are willing to work hard,” one-in-three disagrees. Those who are doing better economically are much more likely to see a link between effort and success – 62% of higher-income Chinese believe most people can be successful if they work hard, compared with 45% of middle- and 44% of lower-income respondents.2
In another sign that many do not see a level playing field in Chinese society, there are growing worries about corruption. Half now say corrupt officials are a very big problem, up 11 percentage points since 2008; and 32% say this about corrupt business people, also up 11 points from four years ago.
Consumer protection is another rising concern. Four years ago, just 12% rated food safety a very big problem; today, it’s 41%. The percentage expressing very serious concerns about the safety of medicine has more than tripled, from 9% in 2008 to 28% today. And more now are very worried about the quality of manufactured goods (13% in 2008; 33% now).
Increasingly, people are also anxious about having a social safety net. Since 2008, the percentage of those rating old age insurance a very big problem has more than doubled (from 13% to 28%), while the percentage who say the same about health care has jumped from 12% to 26%. The environment is also a serious concern to many. A third or more rate air (36%) and water pollution (33%) as very big problems.
In addition, many Chinese are worried about the current state and direction of their culture and traditions. Most (57%) think their way of life is getting lost and 71% want to see their way of life protected from foreign influence. While 59% still say they like the pace of modern life, this is down from 71% four years ago. Wealthier Chinese are more likely to embrace modern life; 73% of those with higher incomes say they like it, compared with just 61% of middle and 54% of lower income Chinese.
Growing Wariness of the U.S.
Over the last two years, Chinese views about their country’s relationship with the U.S. have shifted substantially. In 2010, roughly two-in-three described the U.S.-China relationship as one of cooperation; today, just 39% view it this way. Meanwhile, 26% now say the relationship is one of hostility, up from 8% in the 2010 poll.
Similarly, while 58% had a positive view of the U.S. in 2010, only 43% do so today. President Obama’s ratings have also slipped – currently, 38% express confidence that he will do the right thing in world affairs, down from 52% two years ago.
Nonetheless, many Chinese – especially younger, wealthier, well-educated, and urban Chinese – continue to embrace certain elements of American soft power. In particular, many admire the U.S. for its scientific and technological achievements.
And in a country that remains a one-party state, American-style democracy has a strong appeal. Roughly half (52%) say they like American ideas about democracy; just 29% say they dislike these ideas. About seven-in-ten Chinese in the higher-income category have a positive opinion about American democratic ideals.
Just like opinions regarding the U.S.-China relationship, views about the India-China relationship have cooled over the last two years. In 2010, 53% described relations between the two Asian powers as one of cooperation, compared with 39% now.
Views on the Japan-China relationship are, on balance, negative. Just three-in-ten Chinese say their relationship with Japan is one of cooperation; fully 41% describe it in terms of hostility.
Views of China’s Economic Power
Globally, perceptions of Chinese economic power have been on the rise since the onset of the financial crisis in 2008, and today many believe China is the world’s top economy. Across the 21 countries included in the spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey, a median of 41% said China is the economic leader, while 37% named the U.S.(For more on international perceptions of China and the U.S., see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).
The Chinese, however, do not believe they have ascended to the top spot. About half (48%) say the U.S. is the world’s leading economy, while just 29% believe it is China. Americans, meanwhile, are divided: 41% think China is the top global economy, while 40% believe the U.S. remains the leader.
CHAPTER 1. DOMESTIC ISSUES AND NATIONAL PROBLEMS
After experiencing decades of impressive economic growth, the Chinese express widespread satisfaction with the free market system and with the gains they have made over the past generation. However, they have grown increasingly worried about major domestic issues over the last four years. Today, the public is more likely to express concern about many economic and consumer safety issues, such as food safety, old age insurance, education, and conditions for workers. They also voice serious doubts about economic fairness, with a broad majority saying there is a growing gap between the rich and the poor.
Improving Standard of Living
About nine-in-ten (92%) Chinese say their standard of living is better than their parents’ at a comparable age, including 39% who say it is much better. The Chinese are more likely than any public among the 21 nations included in the 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey to say they are better off than their parents.
When asked to compare their current finances to how they were doing just five years ago, 70% of Chinese say they and their families are better off now than they were then; 21% say they are doing about the same and just 5% say they are worse off. Of the 21 countries surveyed, only the Brazilians hold a similarly positive assessment of their economic progress.
Support for Free Market
Nearly three-quarters of the Chinese public (74%) agree that most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some people are rich and some are poor. About one-in-five (19%) disagree. Support for capitalism is widespread across age groups, education levels and income brackets.
Unlike many other countries surveyed by the Pew Global Attitudes Project in 2012, Chinese opinion about the free market has been relatively stable over the past decade, despite the global recession. Still, support has slipped somewhat since 2010, when 84% said most people are better off in a free market. (For more about the impact of the global downturn on support for the free market, see “Pervasive Gloom about the World Economy,” July 12, 2012.)
But Concerns about Economic Fairness, Corruption, Consumer Safety
Among the 17 items tested on the survey, rising prices is the only one rated a very big problem by a majority of Chinese. Roughly half hold this view about corrupt officials (50%) and the gap between the rich and the poor (48%). However, all of the other issues tested, with the exception of electricity shortages, are considered at least moderately big problems by a majority of Chinese.
There is far more concern about domestic issues today than there was in 2008, when the Pew Global Attitudes Project last asked this question in China. The change has been most dramatic with regard to food safety, which has received a lot of attention in China in recent years; 41% consider this to be a very big problem in their country, compared with 12% four years ago. Similarly, about three times as many people now say the safety of medicine is a major problem as said the same in 2008 (28% vs. 9%). And the percentage describing the quality of manufactured goods as a very serious problem has jumped 20 percentage points over the same time period.
Double-digit increases since 2008 are also evident in the percentage of the Chinese public that considers old age insurance, education, corrupt officials, corrupt business people, health care, and conditions for workers as very big problems for their country. Concern about traffic, crime, and the gap between the rich and the poor has also gone up, but to a lesser degree. In contrast, of the items tested, only rising prices are now considered to be a top problem by fewer people (60% today vs. 72% in 2008).
Unease about Economic Inequality
Despite broad support for capitalism, the public expresses concerns about growing inequality in their country. Most Chinese (81%) agree that today the rich just get richer while the poor get poorer, including 45% who completely agree. Only 12% disagree.
In addition, while a plurality (45%) believes that most people can succeed if they work hard, a significant minority (33%) says hard work does not guarantee success. Higher-income Chinese (62%) are more likely than those with lower incomes (44%) to believe hard work is rewarded.
The Chinese public also expresses support for government intervention to help the poor. When asked which is more important, roughly half (51%) choose an active role for the state in guaranteeing that no one is in need, rather than having individual freedom to pursue life’s goals without government interference (34%). Nonetheless, support for a social safety net is down 12 percentage points since 2011.
Views about hard work and success are linked to opinions about government and the economy. Those who say hard work is no guarantee of success express greater desire for the state to play an active role in the economy (+13); they also have less faith in the free market (-18 percentage points).
Approval of Modern Life, But Tradition Threatened
Nearly six-in-ten Chinese (59%) say they like the pace of modern life; just 31% disapprove. While the public is generally content with the 21st-century way of life, satisfaction is down 12 percentage points since 2008. People with higher incomes (73%) are especially likely to say they like the pace of modern life.
Nonetheless, a 57%-majority say their traditional way of life is getting lost, compared with 29% who say their traditions remain strong and 14% who are unsure. Fully 71% believe their way of life needs to be protected from foreign influence; just 21% disagree. A decade ago, fewer worried about lost traditions (68%) or the impact of foreign ideas (64%).
A plurality of Chinese are also concerned about the role of consumerism and commercialism in their country. Roughly four-in-ten (43%) say consumerism and commercialism are a threat to their culture. About a third (32%) takes the opposite view, and a quarter expresses no opinion.
CHAPTER 2. CHINA AND THE WORLD
Overall, the Chinese public holds mixed or negative views of other major countries and international institutions such as the United States, United Nations and European Union. And while a plurality of Chinese describe their country’s relationship with India and the U.S., two of its major trading partners, as one of cooperation, that view has become less common in recent years. Meanwhile, China sees its relationship with Japan as one of hostility.
Globally, perceptions of Chinese power have increased in recent years, and in nine of the 21 nations surveyed, majorities or pluralities now believe that China is the world’s leading economic power. The Chinese, however, still tend to see the U.S. as the global economic powerhouse.
How China Views Major Powers
Chinese attitudes toward Russia are on balance positive, with 48% expressing a positive and 38% a negative view. In contrast, perceptions of the U.S. and the United Nations are roughly divided, with 43% holding a favorable opinion of each. And only about a third see the European Union (33%) and Pakistan (31%) positively. Chinese perceptions of these foreign nations and institutions have mostly held steady since last year.
The Chinese express even dimmer views toward their neighbor to the south, India. Roughly a quarter (23%) have a favorable opinion of India, while 62% offer a negative opinion.
Similarly, Iran receives largely negative ratings, with only 21% expressing a favorable view of the Islamic Republic, a decline of eight percentage points since 2011.
While a 39%-plurality of Chinese see their country’s relationship with the U.S. as one of cooperation, this is down sharply from 2010, when nearly seven-in-ten (68%) held this view. Meanwhile, about a quarter (26%) say the relationship with the U.S. is one of hostility, up from 8% two years ago.
Similarly, 39% in China view their relationship with India as one of cooperation, down significantly since 2010, when 53% saw the relationship positively.
Views toward China’s longtime regional rival, Japan, are even dimmer, with a 41%-plurality saying that relations between China and Japan are hostile, and only three-in-ten describing them as cooperative.
China’s relationship with Pakistan is much brighter, with nearly half of Chinese (49%) seeing the relationship as one of cooperation and only 10% describing it as one of hostility.
There is further evidence that Sino-Indian relations have cooled in recent years – increasingly, the Chinese public is wary of India’s economic growth. Currently, only 44% of Chinese say that their southern neighbor’s expanding economy is positive for China, down from six-in-ten in 2010. Meanwhile, those saying India’s growing economy is a bad thing has almost doubled over the same period.
Indian views towards China are even more negative. Only 23% of Indians describe their country’s relationship with China as one of cooperation and only 24% think China’s growing economy is a good thing for India. (For more on Indian views toward China and other nations see “Deepening Economic Doubts in India,” released on September 10, 2012).
The Chinese have lukewarm feelings toward the United States, President Obama, and the state of the relationship between the two powers. Only around four-in ten (43%) have a favorable view of the U.S, 38% express confidence in Obama to do the right thing regarding world affairs and just 39% see the relationship between the countries as one of cooperation. These ratings are all down sharply since 2010. (For more on Chinese and global attitudes toward the U.S., see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).
While overall ratings for the U.S. are mixed in China, certain aspects of America’s image are positive. Among the measures of American soft power tested, people in China most admire U.S. science and technology. Nearly three-in-four (73%) say they admire U.S. technological and scientific advances. However, this is down seven percentage points since 2007, when eight-in-ten Chinese said the same.
About half (52%) also favor American ideas about democracy and 43% like U.S.-style business, although views of the American business model have deteriorated somewhat since 2007. And while a 43%-plurality say it is a good thing that American customs and ideas are spreading to China, the Chinese are evenly divided on whether they like American music, movies, and television.
Across these various measures of U.S. soft power, there is one constant: richer, younger, more educated, and urban Chinese all express a more positive view of these aspects of America’s image. And this also holds true for overall ratings of the U.S.
Perceptions of China’s economic power continue to grow in much of the world, especially in Europe. However, nearly half of Chinese (48%) say the U.S. is the world’s leading economic power, while just 29% name their own country as the global leader. These results are similar to 2008, when the question was first asked. However, in 2009, following the successful 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and the financial crisis in the West, the Chinese were evenly divided, with 41% choosing both the U.S. and China as the world’s economic leader. Since then, perceptions have drifted back to pre-economic crisis levels.
In terms of overall image, in nine of 20 countries surveyed in 2012, majorities or pluralities give China positive ratings. Opinions are largely negative in six nations, while views are essentially divided in five countries.
China receives positive ratings in most of the predominantly Muslim nations surveyed and is well-liked by roughly six-in-ten Russians. Indian views are on balance negative, although fully 45% do not offer an opinion. Meanwhile, since 2011, China’s ratings are down in the U.S., Western Europe, and Japan. (For more, see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).
The survey in China is part of the larger Spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey conducted in 21 countries under the direction of Princeton Survey Research Associates International.
Results for the survey in China are based on 3,177 face-to-face interviews of adults conducted from March 18 to April 15, 2012. It uses a multi-stage cluster sample stratified by China’s three regional-economic zones (which include all provinces except Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Macao), representing roughly 64% of the adult population. The sample is disproportionally urban (the sample is 55% urban, while China’s population is 50% urban). Interviews were conducted in Chinese (Mandarin, Hubei, Shandong, Chongqing, Hebei, Liaoning, Guangxi, Shanghai, Jilin, Jiangxi, Sichuan, Henan, Yunnan, Jiangsu, Hunan, and Hainan dialects). Data cited are from the Horizon Consultancy Group.
The margin of sampling error is ±4.3 percentage points. For the results based on the full sample, one can say with 95% confidence that the error attributable to sampling and other random effects is plus or minus the margin of error. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.
About the 2012 Pew Global Attitudes Survey